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Guest Post: How the Media Frames Harassment

Over the last few months, EMCC has been hosting placements for Applied Gender Studies MSc students from the University of Strathclyde. As part of her placement, Anna McFatridge has been researching the media coverage of two high-profile allegations of sexual harassment. Here she writes about beginning her research project. 

When I first started this placement, there was much discussion about what the focus should be – how can you narrow down the topic of media representations of violence against women and girls, without losing sight of the complexities, nuance, and the many forms it takes across platforms and cases? 

Ultimately, the decision was made to focus on allegations of sexual harassment against two high-profile individuals working within the TV industry. Famed TV chefs Gregg Wallace and Gino D’Acampo have graced our screens for years, yet in October 2024 and January 2025 respectively, allegations of misconduct emerged against them. Both were said to have made comments, gestures, and acted in ways that made their colleagues and guests, especially women, feel intimidated and uncomfortable. 

These cases were chosen not because they were unusual, but precisely because they weren’t. Allegations like these are unfortunately common, especially in male-dominated industries where power imbalances are the norm. What made these stories interesting for analysis was how they were covered in the press. The media plays a big role in shaping how we understand and respond to gender-based violence, and when the behaviour being reported falls short of physical assault, it’s often treated less seriously. That’s exactly what this study set out to explore. 

Organisations like Zero Tolerance have long called for more intersectional, accurate, and survivor-centred coverage of gender-based violence. They’ve created practical media guidelines to encourage more responsible reporting. For this study, I used those guidelines to assess how the press covered the recent allegations against Gregg Wallace and Gino D’Acampo.  

To do that, I carried out a qualitative content analysis of how four major UK newspapers reported on these allegations: The Sun, The Daily Mail, The Daily Mirror, and The Guardian. These outlets were chosen because they cover a range of political leanings and media styles, from tabloid to broadsheet. I used the Nexis database to collect articles mentioning either Gregg Wallace or Gino D’Acampo from the time the stories broke, right up until mid-March 2025. I excluded short pieces and duplicate content to keep the sample focused and manageable. 

In total, I analysed 137 articles about Gregg Wallace and 42 about Gino D’Acampo. Each one was read closely and coded according to key themes, many of which echoed patterns highlighted in academic research and feminist media critiques. These included the language used to describe the allegations, whether the women’s perspectives were included, and how the media balanced the men’s reputations against the seriousness of the complaints. 

So, what did I find?  

The public personas of Wallace and D’Acampo were central to how their alleged behaviour was reported. D’Acampo was often referred to as a “cheeky chappie” suggesting a harmless flirt rather than a serious perpetrator. Wallace, meanwhile, was framed through his working-class background, with repeated references to his past as a “market trader.” This framing positions their behaviour as cultural misunderstandings or exaggerated performances of identity, rather than workplace misconduct. 

Media coverage of both cases also placed heavy emphasis on the professional consequences facing the accused. Headlines and quotes like “His career hangs by a thread” and “Businesses of star at risk” (The Sun) reframed the story as one of downfall and loss—for the men involved. In doing so, the harm experienced by the women who spoke out is pushed to the margins. 

There were also clear undertones of “cancel culture” panic. Opinion pieces referred to Wallace and D’Acampo as victims of changing times, suggesting they were being punished for behaviours that were once acceptable. A quote from The Sun encapsulated this: “They just said something or did something which someone found offensive. And that’s that.” This rhetoric echoes what has been identified as the media’s tendency to mourn the fall of powerful men while failing to hold them meaningfully accountable. 

Another notable example of the importance of language and framing was the clear use of sensationalist reporting. While some outlets provided neutral or investigative coverage, such as The Guardian’s “Gregg Wallace accused of highly inappropriate behaviour while filming,” others leaned into sensationalism. Headlines like “Gregg the Groper – Three Page Special” (The Sun) and “Gino Pestered Dancer for Threesome” (The Sun) positioned the allegations as entertainment, rather than serious claims of harm. This sensationalist framing turns harassment into tabloid drama, stripping it of its context and seriousness. This kind of reporting can contribute to public desensitisation, making it harder to maintain focus on the systemic nature of gender-based violence. 

What these case studies reveal is that media coverage of sexual harassment is rarely neutral. It reflects wider cultural values about gender, power, and accountability. While there are signs of progress, many patterns persist: sensationalism, minimisation, and a fixation on the reputational damage to high-profile men. As researchers and advocacy organisations like Zero Tolerance continue to argue, responsible reporting matters. It shapes public discourse and, ultimately, our collective response to violence against women and girls. 

In the second blog, I will discuss the most pertinent aspect of these case studies: the role of the institution.  

Anna’s second blog for us will be published in coming weeks, keep an eye on our website and social media!